Sunday, October 23, 2011

The UNSC Resolution 1874 (2009) calling for inspections of ships to or from North Korea

The UNSC Resolution 1874 (2009) calling for inspections of ships to or from North Korea, upon reasonable suspicion that they may be transporting weapons of mass destruction, further restricting North Korea’s access to international financial institutions and tightening the arms embargo, without authorising the use of force is fully endorsed by the ROK. Along with other parties to the resolution the ROK is duly concerned by the level of commitment of the DPRK government in view of its violations of several prior agreements and resolutions regarding denuclearization.

The response of the DPRK to the resolution is equally disturbing as they have chosen to continue to act in a hostile and resistant manner to appeals from the international community. The consistent recourse to threats of violence and military action against complying member states shows disregard for the intentions of the resolution which is primarily to achieve a denuclearised region and perpetual global security. It is concerning to the ROK that the nuclear policies and threatening behaviour of North Korea poses serious negative implications for peace and security in the region as well as internationally. It has been unacceptable and will not be tolerated or overlooked.

Resolution 1874 is rightfully uncompromising in its condemnation of North Korea’s disregard for international protocols regarding nuclear proliferation. Nuclear testing done by the DPRK directly threatens peace and security on the Korean peninsula and internationally and should be addressed accordingly. It is the position of the ROK that the following provisions of UN Resolution 1874 definitely be continued as they have vital significance to maintaining international commitments towards nuclear non-proliferation:
- The DPRK should not conduct any further nuclear tests
- The DPRK must retract its withdrawal from the NPT and fully commit to its obligations under this treaty by abandoning all activities related to development of nuclear weapons.
- Member states should continue to fulfil their obligations with regards to supply of arms to the DPRK and inspection of suspicious cargo to and from the DPRK.
These demands have been highlighted as being of priority to achieving the goals of the UNSC in this matter. The non-compliance and reluctance to cooperate demonstrated by the DPRK does not convince us that they have committed to addressing the concerns of the international community or to achieving a denuclearised region necessary for sustainable international peace and security. It is imperative that North Korea unconditionally returns to talks to proceed in this regard. Until this initiative is demonstrated we are reluctant to advocate for lifting or lightening of the demands of the Resolution. The resolution has been vigilant in acknowledging North Korea’s need for humanitarian assistance and has rightly ensured that the protocol demanded does not interfere in the provisions of this assistance to the people of the DPRK. The prioritisation of this issue is earnestly supported by the ROK, which equally esteems the sovereignty of North Korea and stresses the use of extreme discretion by states in carrying out the obligations to inspect cargo and review the country’s situation. In light of that it is vitally important that the proliferation of nuclear weapons by North Korea is not overlooked by any means and therefore the provisions of the resolution subjecting all suspicious cargo to and from the DPRK to inspection are paramount. The risks of accidental nuclear exposure are real and concerning as is the risk of undermining international security.

North Korea’s aggressive policies and unreceptive stance towards global concerns is a direct rejection of the authority of the international system and the call for peaceful resolutions. In light of the lack of cooperation from the DPRK with international requests it is necessary that the system of continuous review be sustained in order to ensure compliance with international demands and to encourage cooperation by modifying these measures in accordance with compliance. The reduction in foreign aid has markedly impacted the economic position of North Korea and this directly translates to the people, which is a concern to the ROK. We are committed to eradicating these difficulties as soon as possible but in order for this to occur the DPRK must make drastic strides towards compliance with the Resolutions of UNSC. In order for North Korea to continue benefitting from the much needed aid from the ROK, it must deliver on its promises to retire its nuclear programme. Promises made thus far in turn for aid have been reneged on, unacceptably so. The prospect of cooperation will be greatly beneficial for the North as ROK has demonstrated on various levels it’s willingness to assist the North in terms of food, financial and medical aid provided that compliance with its preconditions is demonstrated by Pyongyang’s government. There is tremendous scope and precedent for ongoing assistance and support for the North from ROK, although regrettably the pre- conditions especially that of denuclearization are of a serious nature and will be strictly adhered to.

Insofar as North-South relations is concerned, the commitment of North Korea to nuclear non-proliferation has been a longstanding factor in determining stability and peace for the peninsula. In the interest of North-South relationship-building, it is imperative that a stable and un-threatening environment be reciprocally established. The constant nuclear threat that North Korea holds over the heads of the international community and the region in particular is to the detriment of such stability and only serves to create a hostility in which it is impossible to foster peaceful interaction.

It is the position of the ROK that as long as the DPRK holds on to its nuclear weapons status, there can be no further progress in resolving other matters of concern. Inter-Korean relations and discussions cannot progress as long as the DPRK maintains its stance on nuclear proliferation. As much as the DPRK insists that this is an internal matter which does not concern the international community, contrarily its nuclearisation has implications for the region as a whole and directly affects relations in this regard.
In light of recent developments, should certain “incentive “or “penalties” be imposed on North Korea? If yes, what kind of incentive/penalties& what kind of time-framework should be envisioned?
The economic embargo placed on North Korea by Resolution 1874 (2009) has resulted in a belligerent response from the DPRK government. Contrary to the desired effect, instead of forcing the country to abandon its nuclear programme, the sanctions have been met with further threats of violence from the DPRK. As much as the government has made statements to the effect that it is committed to strengthening relationships in the region, the continued stance that the nuclear policies and activities of North Korea are not the concern of the international community, is not encouraging in this regard. The North Korean people are suffering as a result of the country’s economic struggle and although the provisions have been made to ensure that humanitarian aid is not compromised by the restrictive protocols, the exclusion of foreign trade has significantly impacted food supply and employment. In light of this further penalties in respect of economic sanctions would be risky for the country and might lead to further instability.

However, we believe that it is necessary to clamp down on security measures with regard to inspection of cargo ships moving in and out of North Korea. As much we strongly regard the sovereignty of the country, the threatening attitude and non-compliant behaviour of the DPRK threatens regional security and the prospects for international peace and accordingly deserves a resilient response. The purpose of such constraints is to establish a standard by which all members of the international system should be held. It is imperative that for the purpose of continued international cooperation, each member should refrain from destabilising the system by threats of violence. It is vital to the achievement of non-proliferation that North Korea joins the rest of the region in denuclearising and denouncing nuclear weapons development.

It is important that an example is set from these circumstances, which discourages further attempts to reject the authority of the Security Council as legitimate. This is necessary to maintain stability and uniformity in international security issues. On the other hand, positive progress must be accordingly rewarded and North Korea should understand the positive implications of its compliance. As an incentive, the council should consider lightening the economic implications in proportion to the level of commitment shown. Furthermore, committed, unconditional participation in multilateral talk should be insisted on. Upon which further concessions should be granted to encourage this progress.

Should the international community develop a framework so as to re-start the ‘six Party Talks’? If so how can this be accomplished in the light of recent DPRK statements that North Korea will not resume the six party Talks?

The six party talks is concern with the involvement of countries with nuclear program, amongst this group of countries that constitutes the six party talks are the United States, North Korea, China, Japan, Russia and South Korea. The important players in these six party talks are the United States and North Korea. The six party talks has been an important one in the international arena as it tried to get North Korea to give up its nuclear program, so as to establish regional peace and stability in the Korean peninsula and prevent and outbreak of war, and also to create a world free from nuclear threats. Another reason why the six party talks is important was because it involved multilateral countries, as a bilateral negotiation between North Korea and the United States has failed as North Korea breached the 1994 framework.
North Korea is a country that considers its nuclear program as a vital element of its national security and of the continued existence of the Kin Family Regime; this is one of the reasons that make North Korea very difficult to handle against its nuclear program. The structure of North Korea is also that of a militant one as most of the countries resources has been spent on the military. It is the world’s fourth and strongest military power as most of this country’s population is part of the army.

Having this back ground about the six party talks, it is important to know what was the laid down rule or agreement of this Talk. It was declared that North Korea should not use its nuclear program as weapon or means of destruction and to a larger extent the agreement required that North Korea should abandon its nuclear programs of which North Korea agreed to. On the Denuclearization of the Korean peninsula DPRK agreed to disable all existing nuclear facilities. The DPRK also agreed to provide a complete declaration of all its nuclear programs, It’s reaffirmed its commitment not to transfer nuclear materials, technology or know how to any other areas in the country.
The six party talks also address the Normalisation of relationship between relevant countries, with the DPRK and the US agreed on remain committed to improving their bilateral relations and moving to towards a full diplomatic relationship to improve on trust, also to improve the relationship between South Korea and North Korea. Economic and energy assistance was to be given to the DPRK so as to improve its electricity facilities and divert its attention from war to a peaceful society.

With all of this been said and agreed upon the DPRK once again violated this agreement by conducted two nuclear weapon test. On the 25 May 2009, North Korea conducted its second nuclear test after having apparently warned the U.S and Chinese government of their intension. North Korea’s central news Agency announced that Pyongyang had carried out the nuclear test, and that it was safely conducted on a new higher level in terms of its explosive power and technology of its control. This was a clear insult to the others and a complete bridge of agreement. Having done this North Korea has refused to come to the table to take its place in the six party talk. This has really pose treat for South Korea, it is against the foreign policy of this country an, an impact not on South Korea alone but to the entire world.

The creation of resolution 1874(2009) by the United Nation Security Council adopted by the security council at its 6141st meeting, on 12 June 2009 gave a respond to North Korea act of which this resolution strengthens Arms Embargo, Calls for Inspection of Cargo, vessels if states have reasonable grounds to believe contain prohibited Items. This meant that member states should destroy all banned to and from that country. From a South Korean perspective it is very important for this sanction to be upheld and the international world to have the total support of South Korea. The violation of the six party agreements by North Korea has created security tension within the region; it has destabilized the safety of the peninsular and positioned South Korea in a defensive situation where in its lack freedom as its citizen lived in fear.

North Korea is the only state to withdraw from the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), to openly pursue a nuclear weapons program and, then to test a nuclear device. The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) is also accused of simultaneously pursuing a covert uranium enrichment program to produce HEU (highly enriched or military grade,
Uranium). North Korea’s nuclear activities pose a threat, not only to its own population and its neighbours in Northeast Asia, but also to the global community. With all of this going on, there is a definite need for the international community to develop a framework so as to re-start the six party talks.

The international community needs to achieve a possible and positive out-come on these issues so as to prevent other countries from following the same steps as north Korea, also to avoid war and conflict in the international arena and to protect the earth as a whole in the instance of a natural disaster example the disaster that occurred in (Japan).

In order to get North Korea to resume to the six party talks there need to be various steps that should be taken, this can be a two way approach; on one hand a durable outcome on nuclear dismantlement and disarmament may well depend on North Korean perspectives of larger domestic and regional issues, such as regime stability and economic development. This means that the six-party process is to build reassurance through the statements and actions of interested states to persuade North Korea of the overall benefits of abandoning its nuclear programs, in exchange for diplomatic and economic gains.

The relationship between South Korea and the United States alliance should be strengthening economically. This is where in both exhibit the use of nuclear program for developmental purposes such as energy provision. United States should support South Koreas economy and improve the lives of its citizen far higher than that of North Korea; these will influence or attract North Koreas attention to that of a development goal wherein it will seek a welfare state instead of a military one. This means that there should be tougher sanctions on North Korea such as an economic one as it will have a negative effect on their economy which will force them to cooperate.

And the other approach might be to use China and Russia to get North Korea on the table. These three countries depend on each other economically and they are trade partners. Therefore it is vital that Russia and China be involved in bilateral talks so that they could probably get a positive outcome out of these bilateral talks. This might be possible due to their cordial relationship with North Korea. These countries should both decease from a double role standard in these talks. For this to happen the US should not be seen as a treat to any of these countries, this will enable North Korea to come back to the table and focus on other programs that its country can benefit from other than its nuclear program.

The six –party Talks and the New Opportunities to strengthen Regional /publications/report/6partysrpt 309.pdf
2009-DR.D Criekemans-negotiations in UNSC on the continuing security provocation by North Korea pg1-40
4) What preventive measures can be taken by the UNSC to de-escalate the current dangerous situation on the ground and on the high seas?

The United Nations Security Council has been actively involved in settling the North Koreas use of nuclear program which has been going on in the Korean peninsula. Giving the rise in tensions that North Korea has created in the world by violating the six party talks agreement, the UNSC needs additional measures to be taken as such an issue is of high importance to the world as a whole to create a nuclear arms free race South Korea walks in line with the resolution 1874 which talks of strengthening arms embargo, calls for inspection of cargo, vessels if state have reasonable grounds to believe contain prohibited item. This is indeed a good measure, but however as said earlier there are additional steps that need to be taken to deescalate the current dangerous situation on the ground, and on the high seas.

Additional measures on ground
The United Nations Security Council should implement the following approaches;
On the ground level we as South Korea believe that the UNSC should force China to put pressure on North Korea to get involved in six party talks and to reduce its economic role in North Korea.
We as South Korea advise that the UNSC to implement methods that will prevent kim 11’s from selling or giving his nuclear weapon or any other weapon of mass destruction to either another rogue state or to a terrorist organization.

The force of democracy should be taken into account; North Korea follows a dictatorial rule as this is the main reason for North Korea not to give up its nuclear program therefore the regime is being sustained because of its nuclear beliefs and policies. We as South Korea advocate that the UNSC should speak with one voice to undermine Kims regime this can be done by threatening to use force.

We as South Korea recommend that there should be a reduction concerning the amount of military personnel within the North Korean army force, to an amount that would match the country’s population and secures its territories. However the territorial rights of North Korea should be stated clearly and that North Koreas security should be guaranteed by the UNSC.
An additional measure can be done to the proliferation security on the high seas. It is good that the UNSC has put various measures to target countries carrying nuclear weapons or any other weapon of mass destruction on the seas. However the UNSC needs to put more measures on the high sea, by this we as South Korea would prefer the UNSC to declare that participating countries should have the right to destroy ships carrying nuclear weapon destroy even on the high seas. This can be done by creating an intelligence service which should be able to detect whether the ship is truly carrying nuclear weapon. Having done this, a notice and authority should be given to the nearest country to destroy such ship.

American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research
momentum toward a nuclear weapons convention or framework third edition 25 October 2010.

What preventive measures can be taken so as to limit potential proliferation by North Korea and also to all powers in the region that an arms race is not a viable option for the peace and security of the regions and the world?

The relationship between North and South Korea is a volatile relationship of distrust and uncertainty due to our conflicting history with North Korea. South Korea welcomes the steps and resolution taken by the UNSC and we believe that North Korea poses a threat to the security of our state, due to the presence of nuclear weapons in their country.

North Korea is an irrational state that refuses to adhere to the global policy of not existing as a nuclear state. The mere presence of nuclear material in their country poses a threat to international peace and security. South Korea feels that the global war on terrorism will only be fought by implementing a new structured policy through normalization of diplomatic relations. South Korea condemns North Koreas recent attacks on the warships cheonan and the nuclear weapons that were launched before that. North Korea continues to threaten the peace that currently exists between the neighbouring south. South Korea votes in favor of the resolution by the UNSC by taking into account that their sovereignty and national interests should be respected.

Nuclear proliferation is on the rise in many other states around the world. Countries such as Libya and Iran may be tempted to continue their nuclear program if the North Korean issue is not resolved. To avoid conflict South Korea believes that the DPRK should abandon the use of nuclear weapons and testing’s. South Korea believes that if North Korea assists in minimizing regional conflicts then this could also decrease the need for accessing nuclear power. There needs to be a peaceful relationship and cooperation between the North and South for the desired peace to prosper. Despite this the need to create a stable relationship to occur with our Northern neighbours, South Korea is aware that it is a difficult task.

Even though there has been some improvement in relations between North and South Korea there is always the historic conflict that creates certain distrust and because we are allied with the United States, we believe that progress in relations and reaching a consensus on how to deal with the nuclear process is possible. Although this might be a possibility the historic imbalances threatens the future peace of the region. According to Dong-Man of Sangi University ( accessed on 16 March 2011) “ the current north Korea nuclear crisis demonstrates how an unsettled and postponed task that should have been accomplished at a certain historical point is negatively impacting relations”. The author is merely stating that the cause of the nuclear crisis can be blamed on the conflict between North Korea, the U.S and North Korea and Japan which has been left unsettled since after the cold war.

As a close neighbour of North Korea, South Korea understands that a state needs to protect its country from possible threats, to their security as is their right as a sovereign state within their territorial boundaries. Therefore South Korea has compiled proliferation policies to limit nuclear activity by the Northern Korea. South Koreas policy also entails to demonstrate how an arms race is not a viable option for the peace and security of the region and the world.
These are the policy steps that need to be implemented to halt nuclear weapons;
A) The size of nuclear weapons should be reduced; the history between the North and South Korea is a volatile matter that puts South Korea at risk. Since the attack of our warship cheona we feel more vulnerable than ever.

B) Nuclear security should be improved by creating nuclear boarders throughout regions. This should be possible by reducing the nuclear smuggling in cooperation with the International Atomic Agency must work alongside the UNSC resolution to improve nuclear security.
C) Counteractions and reformation of policy, global hegemony must take measures to maintain and resolve diplomatic relations with international political allies.
D) Nuclear weapons in North Korea and in the rest of the region must go through a regular process of their nuclear weapons being tested. The Test Ban Treaty Act must come into effect so that nuclear activity is monitored.
E) Nuclear energy and elements such as uranium should be converted for civilian purposes. North Korea must instead convert their nuclear materials to produce electricity for its civilians.
F) There should be a strict flow of fissile materials used to create nuclear weapons in the region. Nuclear smuggling is an occurrence that must be evaluated and eliminated.

States which are in possession of nuclear weapons, claim that it is for their national interest and security. Although this is the case nuclear weapons actually does the opposite effect. Nuclear weapons actually increase the likelihood of being attacked by the other states. Nuclear proliferation actually divides the world, increases fear and invokes suspicion and mistrust on a nuclear state. South Korea believes that in order to avoid conflict in our region and the world we must be rid of nuclear weapons. The recent tsunami devastation of our neighbour Japan and the explosions on their nuclear site indicates the danger of nuclear weapons and sites to civilians and the environment. This also demonstrates that being in possession of nuclear arms is a threat especially if there is a natural disaster such as the catastrophe of Japan and the tsunami.
The tsunami had triggered bomb blasts which in turn posed a risk to civilians after radiation was released. The presence of nuclear materials and the risk of radiation are much more of a threat than the tsunami. Civilians affected by radiation might contract long-term illnesses which are incurable. South Korea respects North Koreas decision to protect its territory despite this South Korea is not at war with North Korea. Therefore the presence of nuclear weapons and the use of nuclear arms by attacking South Korean warships is highly unnecessary and it creates conflict. We urge the North Korea to reconsider its actions and to support the UNSC resolution to rid the globe of nuclear weapons, and also the preventive measures policy which was drafted by the South Korea to limit nuclear proliferation.

S, dong-man .2006. “relationship between North and South Korea after the June 15 joint declaration and the development plan for the Korean peninsula” (accessed 2011/03/16)

UN Security Council Resolution 1874(2009) Colombia

1. Which elements within the Previous UN Security Council Resolution 1874(2009) should be adapted to the current situation? Should certain provisions be strengthen,, or do the Council members think that too severe restrictions are ‘backfiring”- in which case the provisions as written in UNSC 1874 should be softened.

Colombia is a non permanent member of the Security Council with its tenure ending in 2012 expressed its position on North Korea according to UN Charter, the Council must only intervene when international peace and security are at stake. Colombia has traditionally rallied behind the principle of non intervention and the non use of force in international relations, the intervention of North Korea by force will constitute a flagrant violation of international law and independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of States. Colombia consider that there can be no reason, not even on a temporary basis for a State to be the object of military occupation or other measures based on force by another State unless the state actions cause a threat to international peace and stability.

The adoption of the 1874 resolution strengthening Arms Embargo, Call for inspection of Cargo, Vessels if the States have Reasonable Grounds’ to believe the contain Prohibited Items fully is endorsed by the Colombian Government. According to ambassador Nicolas Rivas Deputy Permanent representative of Colombia , 58th Session of United Nations Colombia is party to the main treaties and conventions on disarmament and the non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction such as nuclear, chemical and bacteriological weapons. As part of the Movement of the Non-Aligned Countries, Colombia defends the importance that nuclear disarmament deserves in the world and supports the basic treaty concerning this, the Treaty on Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). Moreover, Colombia is on the ratification process of the Comprehensive Nuclear-test-ban Treaty (CTBT).

The Resolution 1874 statute of implementing the assets freeze and travel ban imposed in paragraphs 8(d) and (e) of the resolution 1718 (2006), for member states to prevent the provision of financial serves or the transfer to, through, or from their territory of any financial or other assets or resources that might contribute to the DPPK’s nuclear related, ballistic missile- related or other weapons of mass destructions must be adopted and strengthened with resolution of punishment to any country that may be found co-operating with DDPK in it’s nuclear programme either in providing financial aid or providing uranium enrichment. In November last year the Foreign Minister of North Korea in search uranium enrichment visited Zimbabwe, the compliances of any state to the North Korea interests of Nuclear enrichment must be subjected to inter national condemnation and sanctions must be applied especially economic sanctions.

The requirement of the of the Resolution 1874 for weapon export ban on the Democratic People’s Korea with resolution 1718 which included armoured combat vehicles , large calibre artillery systems, attack helicopters, warships and missiles and spare part s by calling on States to inspect, seize and dispose of the items and by denying fuel or supplies to the service the vessels by the local authorities must be adopted but depriving a sovereign state not to acquire any from of militarily capability will result in the Democratic People’s Korea state security compromised. This statute must be softened and give restrictions only to Nuclear related military equipment that may cause international instability. However, since Colombia has been a victim of illicit traffic of small arms and light weapons, which are used by illegal groups with terrorist or criminal purposes, Lfonso Valdivieso the Premanent Representative of Colombia in the 5th session of the Preparatory Committee to the 2005 Review Conference of the Treaty on the

Non Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons – NPT specified that country has played a crucial role in the introduction of the production and trade of small arms and light weapons in the Disarmament International agenda the fear of rogue states like Korea causing international instability must be taken a serious threat to the foreign policy of Korea hence the statute must be enforced severely.

The element of the previous UN Security Council Resolution 1874 (2009) which regarded all member States, International financial assistance and Credit institutions not to enter into new commitment for grants, financial assistance or concessional loans to that country except for humanitarian assistance and developmental purposes directly addressing civilian need and all countries to provide public financial support for trade with the country where such support could contribute WMD or ballistic related programmes must be adopted in realisation that financial assistance to the DDPK government can be used for nuclear enrichment. The Republic of Colombia within the principles and mandate of the UN to maintain peace and security it calls for the parties in the Six party talks to settle the dispute by peaceful means or recommending appropriate procedures or methods of adjusting such disputes. Although the North Korean development of its nuclear weapons was a challenge to the nuclear non proliferation regime the international community must not impose resolutions but work out solutions with the DDPK no how it can attain energy without relying on nuclear power generation.

Stiff solutions to the North Korean nuclear proliferation will further fuel threats by North Korea to show its independence and sovereignty as well as military power to the rest of the world. Colombia will support of the Resolution to be peaceful, through dialogue and negotiations. Commitment to the treaty of NPT must be strengthened in all aspects and global efforts towards nuclear non-proliferation and nuclear disarmament it is within the Colombian National interest to protect its citizens against any country that many attack or cause disability in international relations hence the Resolution 1874 (2009) must have other statutes revised and strengthened to protect DPRK nuclear possession and ballistic testing. The UNSC Resolution 1874(2009) emphasised the need of any state that undertook an inspection or seized and disposed of such cargo was required to promptly submit reports containing the details to the Committee monitoring sanction and to report on any lack of cooperation of a flag state this resolution of in line with the Colombian interest of combating to war against drug trafficking. During the 80's, Colombia sponsored this issue in the General Assembly. In 2001, Colombia led the first United Nations Conference on Illicit Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons in All Its Aspects. The same year, during the Colombian presidency of the Security Council, the country obtained the approval for a Presidential Declaration about small weapons. According to Colombian Policy on disbarment and international Security In this fundamental issue for the country's international agenda, as it is the case of the drug world problem, the money laundering, and the fight against terrorism, Colombia has raises on high the importance of shared responsibility with the international community and the distribution of loads amongst all nations in the world in order to succeed in the fight against these issues.

2. In light of recent developments, should certain ‘incentives’ or ‘penalties’ be imposed on North Korea? If yes, what kind of incentives/penalties, and what kind of time-framework should be envisioned?

The ambitious and dangerous nuclear programs that the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea embarked on in recent years have attracted massive attention of the United Nations Security Council, which view this as a threat to global security. Whilst relations between Pyongyang and the international community had been tense for a long period of time, the situation was worsened by DPRK’s conduction of an underground nuclear test which was followed by the launch of several weapons . The United Nations Security Council, of which Columbia is a non-permanent member, strongly condemned North Korea’s actions. The rapid increase in military activity and movement of North Korean armaments around the world is not only a threat to global security, but also a threat to Colombia’s security in light of massive illegal drug trafficking. It is common knowledge that trade in illegal drugs goes hand in hand with trade in illegal firearms therefore it is in the best interests of the Republic of Colombia to ensure that strict arms controls are imposed on North Korea.

To this end, Colombia therefore supports the United Nations Security Council’s 2009 resolution which condemned DPRK’s actions. It is imperative for the global community to take drastic, stringent and punitive measures against Pyongyang before the situation culminates in a global crisis. These measures should be in the form of military and economic sanctions. The United Nations sanctions imposed on North Korea in June 2009 must be revised and made tougher. These sanctions included the expansion of the existing arms embargo . This would ensure that DPRK will not be able to acquire military equipment from any country thus limiting its capability to amass arms of war. It is highly essential for strict inspection of all cargo ships, planes and submarines destined for, or leaving North Korea so as to ensure that there is no transportation of arms of war and weapons of mass destruction. Cutting of trade ties and loan agreements with North Korea will be crucial in halting production of weapons since the country will not be in a position to acquire materials necessary for the production of, nor get access to much needed foreign currency to buy these materials.

Since the United Nations Security Council considers DPRK as a threat to global peace and security, it is of utmost importance that the country be forced to abandon its Uranium Enrichment Program. Whilst Pyongyang argues that their uranium enrichment program is solely for the purposes of electricity generation , the country’s history with materials that can be used for the production of weapons of war and/or of mass destruction shows that they are capable of producing arms. The Republic of Colombia therefore suggests that the international community, through such institutions as the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, to avail “Special Loans” to North Korea for the construction of Hydro and Thermal Electricity power stations, that would help ease their shortages of electricity.

Colombia also supports the Atlantic Council of the United States’ policy recommendation on a new diplomatic strategy towards North Korea . It is deemed highly essential that a lasting peace solution that will ensure stability in the Korean peninsula be found. Its is Colombia’s firm belief that if North Korea and South Korea reach an agreement on peace, an arms race, war and/or a humanitarian crisis can be averted. Not only can such a bilateral agreement help avert the possibility of a crisis, but will also help to increase trade and greater economic cooperation. The onus is therefore on the United States to facilitate this dialogue and ensure that both parties cooperate. It is also in the best interests of the United States to ensure that there is stability in the Korean peninsula since this would help its relationship with China, thus help stabilise North-East Asia . Colombia also believes that the situation can be improved if the international community can exert pressure on North Korea to move away from a centrally planned economy to a market oriented one by introducing economic reforms and loosening its grip on its population . This will also go a long way in attracting foreign investment from big multi national corporations who have shunning the country. It is imperative to point out that these suggested measures be executed and maintained for as long as possible, or until such a time when the United Nations Security Council deems it necessary to lift them.

3.Colombia’s stance on if the “Six Party talks” are necessary and what framework can be set for them to commence

It is essential for the international community to set up a framework for the restart of the “Six Party Talks”. It is within the interests of peace both regionally and internationally, if the situation in North Korea is not dealt with there might be a chance of war breaking out. It is also in the interest of the bigger picture for the talks to be held by the six countries rather than the North Korea and the United States of America alone.

The six party talks are key to all the six parties involved that is; America, South Korea, North Korea, Japan, China and Russia. In terms of America the talks are important because if they succeed that will mean American troops in South Korea can be called back home and that would generally improve the tensions between the America and the North Koreans. For Russia, North Korea’s presence in the North Eastern Asia is a security threat and they will be keen to have a stable North Korea. China would also want there to be stability in North Korea because there is a lot of North Koreans are crossing over to China to find greener pastures because of the current sanctions that have left North Korea impoverished. Also for China having American troops in South Korea does not do justice to their own security.

North Korea on the other hand would like to have the talks because of the economic damage the sanctions put forward by the United Nations have on them and also for the sack of having peace with the bigger powers. On the other hand it would however be in its interests to have USA troops in the region because they are surrounded by some big powers and therefore this would neutralise the power of these countries on the smaller regional countries. South Korea on the other hand would really want the talks to commence so that North Korea can be forced to denuclearise as soon as possible for their own security. Also to ensure that there will be no further attacks both on land and on sea by the North Koreans who have indicated they have the means to destroy the South Korean capital in a matter of half an hour.

It is within our interests as Colombia to see democracy and peace internationally. It is well within our interests therefore that North Korea stops their nuclear empowerment programme because it is a threat to international peace. We have also established important trade relations with South Korea; the instability of North Korea and its attacks on our trade partners becomes a threat to our economy as well. We have also had in the past terrorist groups emerge from our country but due to the help of America and other allies we have managed to stop the drug activities they used to finance their wars. So it is within our interests to have all countries co-operate in terms of maintaining peace and subtracting any risk of security threats from any country or organisation.

1. The previous talks in 1994 saw America promise to build power stations in North Korea as the North Koreans argued that they needed the nuclear power for electrical power. If America and the United Nations can work on facilitating these power stations then we feel that the North Korea will not have a legitimate reason to continue with their nuclear empowerment programmes.
2. North Korea should show that they are sincere in wanting these talks to commence by showing signs and drafting their plan to stop nuclear production and how they will replace this effort to ensure that they are not cheating everyone. So there should be an effort to show how they will go about without the nuclear technology they consider a need. What they will do replace this need is also going to be an issue.
3. Economic sanctions on North Korea can be slowing withdrawn if they show signs of withdrawing their nuclear programme.
4. There should be willingness from the two Koreas to co-operate with each other in the future and solve their problems as neighbours and therefore eradicate all future chances of attacks on one another.
5. Most importantly they should agree on the types of penalties that will be issued on whoever breaks the agreement that are arrived at during the talks.
4. Colombia’s stance on additional measures that the United Nations Security Council can take to de-escalate the current dangerous situation on the ground, and on high seas

It is important that we understand that in all our efforts, it is key not to provoke the North Koreans to go out of control in anger. The North Koreans will definitely use the fact that they have these dangerous weapons in their possession as their negotiating tramp card. So it will not be a case of the United Nations Security Council bulling the North Koreans into submission.
Therefore in light of all this, North Korea to be stubborn, military intervention would be an option but yet very risky because of the nuclear power that North Korea possess. However if North Korea show any intentions not to stop the nuclear programme and signs to use them against anyone then the United Nations Security Council will have to intervene with military force. Therefore the United Nations Security Council will have to make it clear that if the North Korean government refuses to have the talks or uses such weapons again they will have no option but to intervene to protect both regional and international security. There might be a humanitarian problem after that but we are not attacking the people of Korea but rather the regime and like the Iraq situation civilians are affected. However in the greater interests of the region and international community it is better for North Korea to be forced to stop its programme even if it will end up forcing some military intervening.

So it is definitely up to the United Nations Security Council to stay on high alert towards the situation in North Korea. The arms embargo is definitely a way of keeping things under control and it should not be withdrawn until the council is sure that North Korea is no longer a threat to international and regional security. It is also key is that no country involved in the United Nations Security Council should deal with or form any alliances with North Korea so as to force them to adder to the resolutions that are set forward for them. The United Nations Security Council should be prompt on its members and therefore make sure that they is pure isolation of North Korea in terms of powerful alliances or any war materials such as arms. The key behind doing so is that even if North Korea remains stubborn they will have no real power to act in terms of war and reduce their attacking capability to what they have. Also for them knowing that they have no key major powers in their support would also stop or limit any danger of them attacking with nuclear weapons.

5. What preventive measures can be taken so as to limit potential proliferation by North Korea and also to ensure all powers in the region that an arms race is not a viable option for the peace and security of the region, and the world?

Colombia in line of the functions of the Security Council endorse investigating any dispute or situation which might lead to international friction or give rise to a dispute, in order to determine whether the continuance of the dispute or situation is likely to endanger the maintenance of international peace and security;
calling on the parties to settle the dispute by peaceful means or recommending appropriate procedures or methods of adjusting such disputes;- taking enforcement measures, including a mandatory call for Member States to apply economic sanctions and other measures against the aggressor. Calling for military action, should it consider the above measures inadequate; recommending the admission of new Members to the United Nations.

Increasing diplomatic ties with North Korea is very important in limiting the proliferation by North Korea Colombia initiates that all countries with nuclear capability must be automatically governed by the IAEA without seeking membership, the IAEA should by granted international control over all nuclear operations in nation states to prevent the nuclear capabilities of states causing instability in international relations. According Lfonso Valdivieso the Permanent Representative of Colombia in the 5th session of the Preparatory Committee to the 2005 Review Conference of the Treaty on the Non Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons – NPT to the decision by one of the nuclear states to withdraw from the Treaty on the Limitation of Anti-Ballistic Missiles (ABM) in order to develop a national anti-ballistic missile defence system, which may trigger an armaments race in outer space, as well as the possible formulation of a nuclear posture review that expands the circumstances under which nuclear weapons could be used and the countries that they could be used against, are clear proofs of an international deterioration on the issue. With regard to countries withdrawing form the NPT Colombia advocates for intense pressure to be put on the state to return its membership to the NPT as a way to avoid an arms race international states.

Russia and China should align with other countries in condemning the nuclear developments in North Korea. According to Criekemans China must be an integral component of any strategy with a chance of reducing the threat of nuclear North Korea, no other country has the interest and political position in North Korea to facilitate and mediate negotiations. Realistically only China can pressure North Korea since it provides some 90% of its fuel and most essential goods. Colombia in the First Session of the Preparatory Committee to the 2005 Review Conference of the Treaty on the Non Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons

Recommendations to avoid the lapse ensure all powers in the region that an arms race is not a viable option for the peace and security of the region, and the world.
Integral Action
The solution to the nuclear threat problem requires an integral approach. Actions should be taken in every link of the chain including offer, demand and other associated activities. Likewise all authorities should be involved, and when necessary civil society itself should take part as well.
The approach to the nuclear problem should be based on an institutional consensus. In such scenario, the policies and measures to be implemented take into account all the relevant institutions involved.
Within a context of cooperation, reciprocity, balance and respect for the sovereignty of the nations, the Colombian government pleads in favour of the adjustment and implementation of an international policy in which involved states confront the different manifestations of the nuclear world problem and the activities that support it.
Shared responsibility
Due to the fact that the nuclear world problem has a transnational character, all the nations involved are responsible to undertake actions towards the reduction of the internal consumption, production, trade and all the other problems connected to this world issue.
The above mention related solutions are also an integral part to the Colombian government war against drug trafficking. Colombia , as a country committed with the efforts of the international community oriented towards the non proliferation and the nuclear disarmament, reiterates that the Non Proliferation Treaty has played an important role along these years. Thus, we are convinced of the necessity to guarantee its preservation, its strengthening and its universality. In this context, we are convinced that it is through a successful review process that the Treaty keeps its validity. Colombia insist on the fulfilment of the unequivocal undertaking with the total elimination of nuclear arms given by the Nuclear Weapon States.

Dr.D. Criekemans – Negotiations in the UNSC on the continuing security provocations by North Korea -2009
Explanation of vote after the vote by the Representative of Colombia to the First Committee of the 58th Session of the United Nations General Assembly, on regard To Draft Resolution A/C.1/58/L.52 "Comprehensive Nuclear Test-Ban Treaty" – CTBT
United Security Council
STATEMENT BY AMBASSADOR ALFONSO VALDIVIESO, PERMANENT REPRESENTATIVE OF COLOMBIA TO THE UNITED NATIONS First Session of the Preparatory Committee to the 2005 Review Conference of the Treaty on the Non Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons - NPT - New York, April 08, 2002

Many observers see the increasing tension within the Tripartite Congress alliance as unsettling the regulation of labour markets.

Table of Contents

1. Introduction
2. South African Labour market reforms in the age of globalization
3. Labour market Regulation and Deregulation by the state of South Africa in response to globalization
4. Failure of the South African BECA legislation to avoid workers exploitation.
5. The Employment Equity Act as legislature that eliminate discrimination in the contemporary workplace
6. Labour market Reforms the cause of socio-economic disparities in South Africa
7. The detrimental effects of labour Market Flexibility
8. Unemployment, inequality and poverty as the common norm of the South African society
9. The government strides in alleviating unemployment in the labour market.
10. Conclusion
11. Data Appendix
12. Bibliography

1. Introduction
Globalization has brought many reforms in the labour market that impact labour, capital and state. With the adoption of liberal market economies many counties have liberalized and deregulated their economies in anticipation of gaining the comparative advantaged posed by trade liberalization. The historical ideological perspective of Adam Smith of the operation of the “invisible hand” were the market forces are determined by the mechanisms of supply and demand have become the sole market regulator with government intervention discarded or kept at minimum. South Africa in the this age of globalization has adopted neo-liberal policies with the anticipation of promoting capital investment, economic growth, gaining comparative advantage in trade and enhance global co-operation of financial markets. Within this era of free market economies tensions have surfaced in the Tripartite Alliance due to differentiation in economic policies to be implemented that are beneficial to labour, capital and state, while the state institution the “government” is accused of being pro-capital than pro- labour. This essay will critically assess how the contemporary labour market reforms impact labour, capital and state and elucidate why many observers see the increasing tension within the Tripartite Congress Alliance as unsettling the regulation of labour markets.

2. South African Labour market reforms in the age of globalization
While the forces of globalization have autonomy effects on government policies the South African government ever since the new democratic dispersion in 1994 South Africa has according to Coetzee faced with the major challenge of forging accelerated growth economic that would raise the country status whilst relieving socio-economic backlogs and imbalances acquired from the apartheid era. According to Steger globalisation is the phenomenon reflected in the liberalization and integration of global markets and the reduction of governmental interference in the economy. The Wealth of Nations, Adam Smith according to Bowles and Edwards proposed the idea that the coordination of all the economic actors within a society, including producers, suppliers, and consumers, could be left to the economic actors themselves. The global environment and the national interests are regarded to be the sole determinants of national policy, the South African government adopted RDP (Reconstruction and Development Program) in 1994 was endorsed by COSATU inline with the Freedom Charter and later adopted by the ANC government. RDP centred on wealth distribution and an increase in state welfare but due to lack of growth, devaluation of the rand and slow inflow of direct investment according to Barker forced the government to consider a relative new policy.

The inception of GEAR in 1996 was the efficacy of neo-liberal policies as the South African government opened its markets to the rest of the world, according to Finnmore Trevor Manuel the Minister of Finance of 1996 tabled a non negotiable frame work GEAR(Growth, Employment and Redistribution Policy) discarding RDP without consultation the government regarded the policy vital to secure economic stability and progress which resulted in more flexible labour market, increase in foreign investment, drop in tariff protection on imports from 10% to 7% to force the domestic industry to become more competitive complied with privatisation of state assets in reduction of state debt. The continuation of the alliance according to Buhlungu enables the ANC to maintain a 'Big Brother' relationship towards COSATU and the SACP and to appropriate the legitimacy associated with the history and political symbolism of the liberation struggle as it displayed that it can implement policies without the acknowledgement of other alliance members.

According to Barker GEAR had several aims and objectives to among them to structure labour market flexibility within the collective bargaining system, enhance human resource development, a social agreement to facilitate wage and price moderation, small and medium-sized enterprise development, restricting of state assets, tax incentives to stimulate new investment ,expansionary infrastructural investment and anti-inflationary monetary policy. GEAR formulation was within the requirements of WTO and Washington consensus of trade liberalization and for the purpose of economic integration of South Africa to the rest of the world. Massive investment resulted the influx of FDIs (Foreign Direct Investment) and through TNCs (Transnational Companies) but with globalization imposing homogeneity or sameness in nation states and workplaces around the world in terms of liberal policies detrimental effects resulted as tension elapsed between the state and labour unions as GEAR was never implemented after consultations, labour still regards GEAR as detrimental to working class.

According Bendix the adoption on the neo-liberal democratic capitalism system has resulted in the treatment of FDI (Foreign Direct Investments) as highly important than the National Investment thereby resulting in the peripheralise and casualize part of the labour force from the formal sector to the unaccountable informal sector hence creating unemployment in the process as most entrepreneurial activities lack funding from the government. Mathekga elucidates that instead of GEAR creating jobs and alleviating poverty, the government policy resulted in retrenchments, downsizing and restructuring

Trade liberalization that is promoted by International organisation such as WTO (World Trade organisation) has been the mostly successful according to Barker in increasing the welfare and economic growth of South Africa which has resulted in the in high labour absorption rate in some of the sectors of the economy such as construction and finance but however South Africa have suffered severely in mining and agriculture as the country is failing to exploit the comparative advantage in agricultural exports . Trade liberalization led to the distribution effect as Haydam propounds because it led to the South African economy to increase the demand for some production factors and reduces of others but this has been the major factor of a jobless economic growth. Whilst globalization is characterised with a route which emphasis skills training, high wages, effective collective bargaining, reward and incentive skills the South African government implemented AsgiSA Accelerated and Shared Growth Initiative for South Africa (AsgiSA) to compliment GEAR. AsgiSA resulted from Government's commitment to halve unemployment and poverty by 2014. Joint Initiative on Priority Skills Acquisition (Jipsa) was established a month later to address the scarce and critical skills needed to meet AsgiSA's objectives. These neo-liberal economic policies were to resolve the rampant effects of globalization on labour, capital and state.
3. Labour market regulation and deregulation by the state of South Africa in response to globalization

Due to the deregulation of the markets atypical unemployment has resulted with capital trying to circumvent the draconian laws such as BECA (Basic Employment Conditions Act) LRA (Labour Relations Act) and EEA (Employment Equity Act) which have been criticised by capital for making the labour market rigid, atypical employment has resulted due the more market flexibility caused by globalization. According to Barker atypical employment reduces labour costs, sidestep burden of labour regulation and avoids the hassle factor associated with the employing workers especially those highly unionised. While one of the most labour market reforms is the high mobility of labour attributed to global reconstruction of the workplace, that has been promoted by high intensification of global economic integration of the South African economy labour has suffered from brain drain and the increase of the unskilled labour whilst capital benefited from highly skilled labour from across the states which results in productivity. While labour broking has boomed the LRA has not protected workers form this exploitative flexibility. Labour brokering is not only a global trend but ineffective labour laws in South Africa also made it easy for the system to emerge quickly. According to Theron the LRA regards labour brokers as the employers of workers, even though labour agencies are not employers, according to the definition of employer.

In order to cut labour costs and reduce the costs of productivity and become globally competitive Webster and Von Holdt emphasised that most companies have decided to retrench and downsize its operations. With the innovation of IT technologies human labour is now being replaced by machines hence casualisation and externalisation of employment has resulted. According to Castells and Ports the casualization and externalisation of the employment relationship is part of the broader process of informalisation of work, a process that has shifted employment way from standard employment generating activities that are unregulated by the institutions of society in a legal and social environment. Due to these massive factors that led to the government to deregulate the market, the government have put in place markets reforms inform of legislation to protect the state from dangers of socio- economic challenges causing social unrest such as strikes, unemployment, high increase in crime and high exploitation of labour by capital.

The introduction of new labour laws according to Clarke ushered in era in industrial relation in South Africa and a stronger regulation to regulation to address the extreme inequality and discrimination that characterised the apartheid work place. The ANC adoption of neo-liberal macro economics and industrial policies impeded the overall transformation of the labour market formal employment has shrunk, informal and subsistence work has become more prevalent and various non standard employment have grown significantly. According Clarke new labour legislation has inadvertently contributed to these employment developments. Weaknesses and loopholes in the laws have led to the growth of distinctive forms of non-standard and precarious employment, such as "independent" contractors. Alongside these changes, "old" forms of casual and contractual employment have continued as holdovers from the apartheid labour market.

The Labour Relation Act as the fundamental legislation in recognition of workers rights
The Labour Relations Act was passed by Parliament on 13 September 1995 according Du Toit et al (1998) it formalised and codified organisational rights, laid a basis for worker participation in the workplace, granted workers a meaningful right to strike (without fear of dismissal), introduced a new dispute resolution system, provided strong support for collective bargaining, and extended coverage o f its provisions to most workers. According to duT oit the key goals of the Act was to shift industrial relations away from its adversarial heritage and create a new system that would be able to meet the challenges posed by globalisation .With Globalization fuelling the conflicts between capital and labour as they have different interests LRA provides the remedies for conflict resolution though a dispute resolution system, the establishment of the Commission for Conciliation, Mediation, and Arbitration (CCMA) through this act was very fundamental by the state to ensure peace between capital and state.

The Labour Relations amendment of 2010 according to Ministry of Labour will regulate contract work the amendment aims to stop the practice of repeated contracting for short-term periods. The onus will be on employers to justify the use of short-term or fixed term contracts, in place of contracting employees on a permanent basis. It will further address the problem of labour broking; the Labour Relations Amendment Bill proposes to repeal section 198 that deals with Temporary Employment Services in the Labour Relations Act (no 66 of 1995). The Department is introducing a new Employment Services Bill which will address both Private and Public Employment Services. The new proposed LRA amendments will result in the decrease of the labour absorption rate in the formal sector as new tenants in the labour market will find it hard to get permanent work as not capital will sacrifice costs associated with labour without assessment of the worker for some period before getting permanence. According to Le Roux the LRA sees the important role for more centralised bargaining in particular at sectoral level, however bargaining council’s agreements might very well result in a high level wages as well as standardisation of work as capital is provided with platforms to determine markets wage rate trends.

In order to avoid exploitation of workers and ensure decent work for all workers as well as to protect the employment relationship, introduce laws to regulate contract work, subcontracting and out- sourcing, address the problem of labour broking and prohibit certain abusive practices. The BECA is important in establishment of the workers conditions of employment according to Clarke aimed to advance equity and workers' rights, while balancing these goals against the need to create more efficient and competitive workplaces. The Act established minimum conditions of employment and extended them to all workers in terms of working time, maternity leave, overtime rates, and annual leave provisions. However the act has been condoned by capital as creating some rigidity in the labour market but the state has defended this allegation elaborating according to Clarke (2004;562) regulated flexibility," was accepted as a way to balance "the protection of minimum standards and the requirements of labour market flexibility”.

5. Failure of the South African BECA legislation to avoid workers exploitation.
The inclusiveness of the legislature in all sectors of the economy has left the informal sector workers to lament under the harshness of labour market flexibility according to Clarke all informal workers are completely excluded from the legislation and many casual workers continue to receive inferior wages and benefits and are entitled to only partial protection with the BECA not taking into consideration workers that work under 24 hours the owners of capital are bound to circumvent from these draconian laws through these loop holes. Clarke further more elaborates that informal work has grown significantly and the poor regulated temporary employment sector is quickly becoming one of the largest in South Africa. With increased legislation by the state, capital investments have reduced as they are high costs in South Africa attributed to labour as high unionism is dominant. Standardization of work has resulted as the enforcement of these legislatures has been weak.

6. The Employment Equity Act as legislature that eliminate discrimination in the contemporary workplace
The Employment Equity Act formulated in 1998 in the bid to create fairness in the workplace that is being dominated by the owners of capital after profit extraction according to Clarke the Act promotes equal opportunity and fair treatment in employment "by eliminating unfair discrimination in any employment policy or practice" (EEA 1998, Section 5), listing nineteen grounds of prohibited discrimination by employers. They are extensive and include: race, gender, sex, pregnancy, marital status, family responsibility, ethnic or social origin, colour, sexual orientation, age, disability, religion, HIV status, conscience, belief, political opinion, culture, language or birth (EEA 1998, Section 6(1)). However the protection of labour in terms of promoting non discriminatory acts on the contemporary workplace has been challenged by high contestation from capital as they have found ways to categorise the current workers according to skills the unskilled face job insecurity while the skilled enjoy more benefits of capital. According to Clarke under apartheid, race determined workers' access to protected employment now, new contractual arrangements play a critical role in determining employment protection for different groups of workers.

In recognition of discriminatory tendencies that are being created by the forces of capital the government introduced the Skills Development Act (SDA) according to Clarke was set out to address labour market segmentation that is linked to gaps and inequalities rooted in skills as well to be a mechanism for promoting investment in training in order to help reverse slow economic growth and the lack of competitiveness in many industries. Globalization has emphasised on efficiency and effectiveness of productivity, as well it has made capital to posses varies profit extraction methods, the need for skilled workforce is important. However the South African government has struggled to offer better educational incentives to majority of the population, Sector Education and Training Authorities (SETAs) qualifications have lacked credibility on the labour market but nevertheless skills have been enhanced.

7. The detrimental effects of labour Market flexibility in South Africa
The South Africa state by adopting neoliberal policies brought about market flexibility, a more flexible market emphasized by GEAR flexibility in working hours, working practices, appropriate wage policies. Horwitz and Eskine labour under globalisation market flexibility has been enhanced work process flexibility, work place process flexibility which has been fuelled by multi-skilling, job rotation and different forms of team work to structure the work place to all the employee participation, work time flexibility has also been alters the patterns of working time through continuous shifts systems hence now the labour markets has been characterised by part time work, temporary work and job sharing. Wage flexibility in this era of free market economies has also been enhanced Horwitz and Eskine elaborates that wages have shifted from uniform pay systems to performance based pay either or an individual team, the most detrimental labour market flexibility that has been the sole result for unemployment and social degradation is numerical flexibility which allows the owners of capital to reduce the size of the labour force to the laws of supply and demand this has resulted in subcontracting of labour, outsourcing, the use of casual or seasonal labour and homework .

Numerical flexibility promotes employers to easily retrench and dismiss the work without any state or union involvement. Mantashe points out those permanent jobs have been replaced by flexible jobs that lack a “standard employment relationship”. Theron argues that “standard employment relationship” implies that workers work full time (this implies that workers have one employer), work in the building of an employer (this indicates that there is a workplace that is controlled by the employer) and that workers are appointed permanently (the assumption here is that there must be a full‐time contract of employment, not a fixed term period or contract).

8. Labour market Reforms the cause of socio-economic disparities in South Africa
The labour reforms have caused detrimental effects to the South African state; the problem of unemployment and other social degradation effects such as poverty, crime, inequality has resulted. The costs of unemployment can be very devastating to South Africa as the economy production lowers which results in inflation and a low GDP. According to Haydam the costs of unemployment is divided into two the economic and non economic costs, the economic cost is the lost of output of workers who are unproductive and the non economic cost results in the high level of crime and labour unrest. In South Africa the economic cost of unemployment can be noticed in the low level of GDP and the increases in transfer payment of the government for example the child grants and the UIF (unemployment insurance funds) this raises government expenditure. With one of the highest crime rate in the world it shows that the people who are involved in the crime activities are unemployed.

One of the factors impacting on the performance of the labour market to eradicate the disparities like the decrease in the labour absorption rate on the market is the increase in the costs of labour; South Africa has a highly unionised labour market. COSATU as the dominate workers union advocate for minimum wage rate for all workers, in relation to the inflationary environment. According to Barker the major factor that impacts employment creation and performance of the labour market is the cost of labour a trade off between employment and relative labour costs is not foreseeable. As cost of labour increase employers become more mechanised or their earnings decrease and they are unable to invest sufficiently for the economy to maintain momentum, lose their market share and shrink. Wage increase impact negatively on employment to the extent that over the long term according to Finnermore and Rensburg the increase in the costs of labour outstrips productivity it will discourage employment.

9. Unemployment, inequality and poverty as the common norm of the South African society
Unemployment results in other social ills such as poverty according Finnermore and Rensburg the costs of unemployment rate in SA is relatively phenomenally high with slow growth the costs of the malfunctioning labour market are borne primarily by poor people between 36% to 53% South African live below the poverty line. The South African population as figure one illustrates growth ranges between 47 million and 49 million the availability of a larger labour force is available but job creation has between sidelined with economic growth in the past government policies. According to Barker higher economic growth does not invariably and automatically translate into increased employment. The unemployment rate according to Stats SA 24, 0% represents 4.5 million people of the 16.8 million total labour force persons in labour market. The unemployment rate according to Altman and Hemson is also serious among the youth about 37% of those aged 15 - 34 are unemployment. From 1995 the high rate of unemployment has increased according to the 2010 Budget Review (2010:36) employment fell by 870 000 during 2009, raising the jobless rate to 24.3% – the highest level in five years. While with the Gini- coefficient of 0.68 inequality is increasing, which is the highest in the world, the government during the 2011 nation state address set aside 9 billion for job creation grant to eradicate the effects of unemployment.

10. The government strides in alleviating unemployment in the labour market.
The government as the last employer through the establishment of the Expanded Public Works Programme (EPWP) was able to address the problem of unemployment in the Labour market the EPWP was launched in 2003 according to Altman and Hemson the EPWP was a short to medium term response to high unemployment and marginalization aimed to provide work opportunities, training and launch pad trainees into labour market. With the South African government the last resort of employment creation, government programmes to halve the rate of unemployment in the labour market is crucial to achieve its macroeconomic goals such as the EPWPs. The EPWPs have created a lot of opportunities in the South African labour Market according to the 2010 Budget review (2010:39) the expanded public works programme created 1.6 million short-term jobs during its first phase from 2004 to 2009, exceeding its target of 1 million, 52 billion in the budget was allocated to the EPWPs and 2.5billion of the total will be allocated for labour intensive this means a lot of employment opportunities will be created this year. The unemployment trends as illustrated figure two have been on the decrease from 2000 from 30% to 24.0% in 2010 all can be attributed to government efforts.

11. Conclusion
Although tensions exist between the Tripartite Congress Alliance because of the non consultation of the GEAR macro economic policy in 1996, globalisation has been the most drive in unsettling the labour market. Globalisation has forced the state to pro-capital than being pro-labour as capital is the major determinant of economic growth and development. Strategic unionism has been fuelled by the ramifications of globalisation rendering union activity weak in the South Africa state as most of the economic decision are in line with the global trade liberalization statutes of WTO. Globalization imposes homogeneity in production, state policies and every aspect of life, labour in South Africa has been severely been affected due to the State economic integration to the rest of the world. Market flexibility has impacted the state and labour creating spheres of social ills, unemployment mainly caused by economic liberalization. The contemporary labour market reforms have had an adverse impact on labour and the State, with capital mainly being protected in by state legislature and the global ideological perspective of neo-liberal economies.
12. Data Appendix
Fig one

% of population growth

Fig two

% of unemployment


13. Bibliography
Altman M. and Hemson D. The Role of Expanded Public Works Programmes
in Halving Unemployment(2007) Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC) South Africa
Barker.F, The South African Labour Market theory and practice (2007) Fifth edition Van Schailk Publishers

Budget Review 2010 available on; [accessed on the 8th of March 2010)
Bendix, S. (2000) The Basics of Labour Relations. Cape Town: Juta and Co, Ltd.
Buhlungu, S. (2005) ‘Union-Party Alliances in the Era of Market Regulation: The Case of South Africa’, in Journal of Southern African Studies. Vol 31 No 4.
Bendix, S. (2000) The Basics of Labour Relations. Cape Town: Juta and Co, Ltd.
Castells M and Ports A 1989 World underneath: The origins, dynamics and effects of the informal Economy in the informal Economy: Studies in Advanced and less developed countries John Hopkins University Press
Clarke, M. (2004) ‘Ten years of Labour market reform in South Africa: Real Gains for Workers? in Canadian Journal of African Studies. Vol 38 No 3.
H. Adam, Van Zyl Slabbert and K. Moodley, Comrades in Business: Post-Liberation Politics in South Africa (Cape Town, Tafelberg, 1997), p. 140
du Toit, D., et al. 2000. Labour Relations Law: A Comprehensive Guide. Cape Town: Butterworth.
du Toit, D., et al. 1998. The Labour Relations Act of 1995. Cape Town: Butterworth.

Haydam N; 2002; The Principles of Macro economics 2nd edition: Van Schaik: Pretoria

Holdt K V and Webster E .2005: Beyond the Apartheid Workplace: UKZN press: South Africa

Horwitz 1995 Flexible work practices in South Africa; economic, labour and regulatory considerations Industrial Relations Journal 26(4) 257-66
Theron, J. 2005. Employment is not what is used to be: The nature and impact of work restructuring in South Africa, in K. Von Holt and E. Webster (eds.). Beyond the apartheid workplace: Studies in transition. Pietermariztburg. UKZN Press.
The academic debate over globalisation” from Steger, MB 2002 Globalism: the new market ideology, Lanham: Rowman
Mantashe, G. 2005. Labour market flexibility: Will the social impact help? Paper presented at Harold Wolpe memorial seminar, 5 October 2008 [Online]. Available: [2008, 2 February].

Thursday, October 20, 2011

Political Change in Developing Regions


(a) How did the advent of colonial rule affect Indian economic and social structure?

Colonialism altered the economic and social structure of India, new economic ideologies and practices mushroomed as well as new social values and culture dominated the Indian state. British way of social stratification and economic structure took precedence in the way of life of the Indians. The pre-colonial India that relied on subsistence production and isolated to the rest of the world entered into a new phase when it was colonised by the British. During of the age of trade and prosperity under the rule of the British economically India had developed manufacturing industry that was equal to that of the European states Alavi (6:1989) elaborates that India had a flourishing trade in textiles outclassing Britain as well Indian had reached high level of urbanisation. Pre-colonial India had rural and urban economies relatively insulated from each other except for forcible extraction of the agricultural surplus by the urban economy. Urban production was according to Alavi (7:1989) in form of pretty commodity production by artisans.

British discovery of the sea route to India in the 19th century according to Alavi (1989) brought a new era of economic life in India, foreign trade and manufacturing of bulky goods became increasingly viable. Indian textiles where now being exported in International markets where they were competitive and cheaper , colonial rule opened the Indian economy to the rest of the world through global trade according to Alavi (1989) the rapid expansion of overseas trade was fully matched by expansion of Indian manufacturing production. However the British rule caused irregularities in the economic structure of the Indian, colonial rule resulted in the conquest, plundering and disintegration of the Indian economy. The East India Company that took over the privileges of pre-colonial rulers of India in appropriating land revenue they were hostile and enacted brutal laws that land revenue was collected with greediness and ruthlessness which resulted in destruction of the pre-colonial agricultural subsistence economy and loss in food reserves. The Indian society got deprived of economic proceeds land revenue was the fundamental foundation to which the Indian economy was based.

During the Industrial Revolution in England the Indian was reduced from being the dominating textiles manufacturer to a raw material producer for the British industries according to Alavi (1989) the British wanted to create a one sided dependence on advanced capitalist countries for capital goods by destroying economies like that of India. Heavy protective duties were imposed to protect the British textiles which resulted both internal and external demand for Indian textiles. While profits made by the East Indian company form Indian were not replenished back into the Indian economy but were used to finance the industrial revolution of Britain. According to Alavi (13:1986) India became a producer of raw materials required by the metropolitan industry and profitable market for a British manufacturer which was trade based on unequal exchange.

Colonial rule led to the creation to new urban classes the new pattern of urbanization and industrialization led to many Indians establishing themselves as wholesalers, exporters and importers in the cities. In Calcutta, Bombay and Madras which were colonial ports for colonial rule according to Alavi (1989) Indian bourgeoisie class became established which later on formed nationalist movements.

(b) What does the discourse analysis approach of Kaviraj tell us about state society relations in India? Pay particular attention to the ruler/ruled dynamic and the issue of mutual unintelligibility

The Indian state had adopted and maintained the British institutions but it had different state and society relations according to Kaviraj (1991) the Indian society unlike pre-modern societies which seemed to have a symmetrical hierarchy its internal principle of organisation of inequality was asymmetric with several ranking ordering between the upper caste groups. State- society relations in India depended on the way in which the social groups that were given to people’s immediate natural consciousness were themselves structured. The state had considerable power in its institutions and regulating the Indian communities and enjoyed great ceremonial eminence but it had limited powers to interfere with the social segments. According to Kaviraj (167;1991) the conceptual language of the state to act on behalf of the population as a whole was unavailable to the Indian state. The Indian state was comprised of different ethnical, religious, tribal and cultural groups the Muslims, Hindus, Christians and the Sikhs the state had classical economic relations with these communities over which they formally presided in-terms of tax and rent

Independent rule in India adopted the productive system, the moral and cognitive orders there was a wide gap between the ruled and rules on colonial period which the new Indian rulers were trying to overcome by reducing the marginality between the state and its subjects. According to Kaviraj (1991) the colonial state had economic reforms that promoted European capitalism this phenomenon led the exploitative relations between the state and the society as Indians were turned into labourers and slaves for rich few colonial rulers. The colonial rule brought the assertion that the state is an impersonal regime of relations as Kaviraj (1991) propounds it was the idea of an individual subject, the equality of rights or rightlessness in which the important thing was the constitution of the political-individual rights rather whether he enjoyed freedom or democracy above the colonial state was a state that pretended to represent the collective interest of the people and from whose legitimate interference nothing in society was morally immune.

The colonial authority in India was not legitimised in-terms of the Indian constituted common sense of traditional Indian Society according Kaviraj (1991) the colonial powers undertook unprecedented enumeration of everything in India. Indian society became slaves to the state while the British rulers made efforts to destroy the Indian social structure. Nationalism in Indian was based on the grievances which emanated from the colonial rule which advocated for liberal democracy, rationalist modernity and politico-economic development. Independence of India in 1947 resulted in some of the economic and political methodologies of the British continuing capitalism continued and great extension of bureaucracy inside government however several discontinuities erupted the state –society relations improved as social justice and economic wealth redistribution increased. Capitalism resulted in the regional inequalities according to Kaviraj (1991) it tended to concentrate opportunities and resources to the political elites limiting the opportunities for the majority. However it must noted that since the Gandhi rule there was common purpose between the state and society in India, great participation of the society in shaping the state activities and consolidation of democracy and the reduction of hostile unfamiliarity between the ruling elites and society. In upcoming years after the attainment of independence the state and the ruling elite uncritically adopted orientalist, externalist construction of their society which lead again to the state –society relations barking down.

(c) What does Das Gupta have to say about India’s leader’s overtime? What is his assessment of their role in taking India to independence and beyond?

The independence of India was attained after a struggle by nationalist leaders to outcast the British rule which was brutal and suppressive. According to Gupta (1985) the initial setting of the nationalist movements of India were mainly directed to internal investigation of the working systems of religious, social organization and education. Indian nationalist leaders were strong forces for the dismantlement of the British rule by mass mobilization of the Indian rural, urban peasants and the bourgeoisie class. The formation of the Indian National Congress in 1885 endowed by ideological principles that of liberal principles, the Indian elites of according to Gupta (1985) played important of democratic political development by setting up democratic rules, tolerance of adversaries and reconciliation of conflicting terms. Through the formation of the Congress in 1885 the Indian intelligentsia were able to speak for the people and preparing the ground for popular self expression. India being comprised of different cultures, religion, tribes and ethnic groups the Indian leaders such as Gandhi mobilized the masses against the colonial rule with one purpose and goals according to Gupta (267;1985) the Indian elites were acutely aware of the social, regional ad religious diversities of the country and the new organization was visualized as a medium for communication and coordination.

Indian leaders according to Gupta (1985) besides them challenging the colonial rule they promoted ethnic solidarity by enhancing an inclusionary process of linking the mass participation in economic and political action into an institutionalized national organization. By incorporating different religious, ethnic and cultural groupings the Indian leaders were able to gather support against the colonial rule and post independence in their national economic and political strategies. According to Gupta (273:1985) Ghadhian transformation of the notion of liberalism into a strategy of inclusionary participation, progressively channelled with rules of peaceful conflict and organized collaboration in and with the congress helped build and important antithesis of democratic development in future. Constitutional democracy developed by Indian intelligentsia provided democratic rights, representation, competition and exercise of power these elements offered various social, cultural, territorial and ideological cleavages to have legitimate political power.

However the bases of the nationalist movement prior independence changed and adopted the British political, economic and social domination of the Indian people. Although India has been consistent and continuous with political stability, development of economic resources and political freedom leaders had become more corrupt, greed and authoritarian. After the split of the Congress party in 1969 according to Gupta (1985) the electoral system became an instrument to serve the ruling class than a vehicle of accommodation. Indira Gandhi’s rule created a new phenomenon in the Indian political domain faced with opposition and rivalries she imposed laws and altered the constitution statutes to keep the Congress Party’s domination at state level. According to Gupta (1985) the old idea of a party based state was transformed into a state dependent party. The process of clientism became the state weapon to legitimise the governing party; the use of executive powers to suppress oppositional parties in the 1970s according to Gupta (1985) Indira Gandhi used emergency powers to transform the basic democratic structure into an authoritarian form of government.

(d) What does Das Gupta mean when he says ‘Indian democracy can be understood as a deliberate act of political defiance of the social and economic constraints of underdevelopment”

The Indian democracy encompassed with liberal principles was the driving force to challenge the social and economic constraints of underdevelopment. Democratization promotes popular participation which is an important element to consolidate social capital. According to Gupta (1985) for the process of democratization to endure it require rapid development of economic and social resources so that expanding public demands can effectively satisfied. Das Gupta (1985) sentiments that “Indian democracy can be understood as a deliberate act of political defiance of the social and economic constraints of underdevelopment”, demonstrates the unwillingness of the Indian government regimes to tackle the issues of social and economic constraints. However the idea of democratically planned development was pursued by nationalist leaders long before independence however most of the economic policies were centralized with bureaucratic management of development. According to Das Gupta (1985) although there was some remarkable increase in state welfare, agricultural production and educational facilities disturbing poverty persisted, inequality, corruption, the second economy thrives and number of shadows haunted the economy.

According to Das Gupta (1985) this was intensive intervention to the economy to increase the gross domestic product through agrarian property structure by land reform followed by investment in productive support, technological change and improvement in human resources. However sit back of this intervention was based on a preferred strategy of industrialization that encouraged considerably higher investment for developing organized industries, mining, power and communication. Politically the ruling parties through the pursuit of industrialization strategy progressively intensified their pursuit of art of cultivation of mass support, the economy tumbled due to political mischievousness by the political elite. According to Das Gupta (296:1985) the Congress Party had for many years relied on formal instruments of the state, its tightly organized bureaucracy, its patronage powers and its capacity to subsidize efficient enterprise in order and its power to ensure its dominance in Indian politics.

The Indian political structure which did not allow a stable politically to rule for many years due to the unpredictable voter behaviour as well as the death of prominent party leaders led to economic plans being let without being completed. The death of Nehru in 1964 followed by the Prime Minister Lal Bahandur Shastri resulted in the alteration of the economic policies according to Das Gupta (1985) the Five Economic year planning was temporary dropped and no reorganization of the premises of planning came about. This resulted in economic meltdown with life expectancy short and mortality rate high, food security was compromised. However the Indian state through planned import and substitution facilitated a pattern of industrialization endowed with degree of self reliance. Most of the regimes that governed Indian showed no interest in the success of the economy the Rajiv Gandhi government according to Das Gupta showed little signs of readiness or capacity to cope with deeper problems of underdevelopment, fiscal deficits and droughts affected the Indian population.

Nevertheless in the period of 1990s significant steps were taken to solve the problems of underdevelopment liberalization of the economy resulted in deregulation, privatisation, industrial restructuring, baking reforms, subsidy reduction and fiscal deficit reduction. According to Das Gupta (1985) economic liberalization played a very important role in the transition of the Indian economy with imports increasing, food security and state welfare.


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Kaviraj S (1991) On State, Society and Disacourse in India. In Monor J (ed) Rethinking Third World Politics